Share from 1932 for endow in the VMRO financiail organization ” Committee of peoples stock capital”.
VMRO Svidetelstvo 1932
Macedonia – Razlovci 1876 – Kresna 1878
The first Constitution of
Macedonia – Kresna 1878
by The Macedonian Rebel
Committee
Preface
The first page of the constitution of the Kresna Macedonian Uprising in 1878.The Prescripts of the Macedonian Rebel Committee were formulated, it is believed, at the beginning of the second phase of the Macedonian uprising in Kresna. The commander of headquarters, Dimitar Pop Georgiev, was again among the rebel ranks when the capital document was drawn up. They proclaimed the social, national, and philosophical aims of the uprising. They were the logical expression of the theretofore subjugated Macedonian nation, a declaration of cultural and educational emancipation, of individualization, of independence, and of cooperation with other Balkan peoples,…[…]…They represented the expectations of the harvest of war, and they envisaged the open spaces to come. The ultimate aim was to create in independent Macedonian state in which social rights would be respected, and all residents would be equal before the law regardless of faith and nationality. In their international relations, they sought enduring equality, peace, and loving cooperation. The framers of the Prescripts expected, and rightly so, that the creation of a Macedonian state would be a positive factor toward eliminating the rivalry among the Balkan states, toward cooperation on the Balkans, toward equality and mutual respect. A transcription of the Prescripts was kept in the private library of the late Bulgarian Patriarch, Kiril. Archive Department. Volume 2341 AE 50; L 30-60, Sofia. The Patriarch, Kiril, himself brought the transcriptions to Sofia. The Prescripts have yet to be published in Bulgaria. They contain 211 Articles. Preamble We will introduce the reader to the Prescripts with a summary of the most important sections.
“With the wish to cast off the Turkish bondage from our fatherland, each and every one of us stands ready to sacrifice whatever is necessary. We have rebelled as champions of freedom. By shedding our blood throughout the fields and forests of Macedonia, we serve as the Macedonian army of Alexander the Great. We fight for freedom and our motto is: “Freedom or Death!”
The stamp of the Kresna Macedonian Uprising 1878
The Organizer Dimitriya Pop Georgiev-Berovski (1840 – 1907)
The Aims of the Macedonian Uprising
Article 2: The people from Macedonia itself take part in the uprising, people who feel themselves
Macedonians and who have a love of freedom.
Article 3: All residents of Macedonia, regardless of nationality or faith, can take part in the uprising – but they must love freedom.
Article 4: All those from countries, neighboring and distant, who want the best for Macedonia can take part in the Macedonian uprising. But they must honestly commit themselves to the freedom of Macedonia, and they must submit to the authority of the Macedonian Rebel Committee.
Article 7: For the indolent, the thieves, and the ignorant, there is no place among the Macedonian rebels, as there is no place for mercenaries who are as savage as the Turkish bashibozouks and who appear out of the great unrest among the people. Such volunteers are unnecessary to the task at hand. It would be better that they go back from where they came.
Article 9: The aim of the Macedonian uprising is no secret. It is for the liberation of Macedonia, the country of the…[…]…enlighteners and educators, St. Cyril and Methodius, the country that has suffered centuries of Turkish enslavement. So, among us there is no place for those who fight for personal gain, there are places only for those who fight for freedom.
Martial Rights of the Macedonian Army
Article 11: Every volunteer, rebel, and haiduk from all nations, Christian and otherwise, will be
accepted into the uprising. But first he must swear an oath of honesty and faith to the Rebel Head Command. Then he will be signed into the numbers of the rebels.
Article 12: Any rebel who refuses to submit to command or acts for himself in the name of the
Rebel Leadership will be prosecuted in the name of the Rebel Command and will be executed.
Article 15: Any Christian, Muslim, Macedonian, Turk, Albanian, Vlach, or anyone else who acts
contrary to the uprising and/or the Rebels will be prosecuted and punished.
Article 22: All peasants who can bear arms will take part, according to need, as soldiers of the
Macedonian Army during battle; when peace returns, they will return to their work.
Article 24: In every village a village commission will be created consisting of three members. Its
task will be to arm every able-bodied peasant, to know the whereabouts of every resident, and to call them to arms for the Macedonian army in time of need. The commission will not accept bribes to release anyone from his duty. Anyone caught offering or accepting bribes will be executed.
Article 32: According to this Constitution, the officers are to select a captain to be judge for many
villages. The officers will draw up a document, as a Constitution, to determine who will govern the area.
Article 32: According to this Constitution, the officers as a regular army, always prepared, for this order appears to be fair to all.
Article 36: On every high place there is to be stationed a guard to watch over the village:
two changes every ten days. Land owners are not to be exempt from guard duty, for it has been observed that they tend to shirk their duty to the fatherland and, still worse, spread rumors that excite the residents.
Article 48: When our Macedonian Rebel Army liberates a village or town, plunder is forbidden,
even if the town is Turkish. Each rebel will carry food in his own pack, and in the event the supply units fail to arrive and he is without food, he must endure. He who enters into a Turkish house to look for food or anything else will be treated as a looter and will be punished by death.
Article 58: All peasants who give food and other supplies to the Macedonian volunteer army should demand an official receipt, for they will be reimbursed after the liberation.
Article 69: Do not send foreign volunteers to the Macedonian uprising without permission from
Rebel Headquarters. We have people and fighters, but we don’t have weapons.
Article 70: The volunteers sent from abroad without a note of verification from the Macedonian
Rebel Headquarters are not to be accepted by the hundreds into the detachments. Determine who has been sent as a spy, and send the spies back.
Article 71: If it becomes apparent that one is a spy, or a propagandist, or a bandit having come from Turkey, Greece, Bulgaria, Serbia, Russia, Bosnia, or wherever, determine who sent him, to what end, and what he has done while a member of the rebel forces. He is either to be punished according to the gravity of his deeds, or to be sent back.
Article 72: If it is determined that a volunteer already accepted into the ranks of the Macedonian volunteer army is a spy for another country or has worked against the aims and interests of the Macedonian uprising. He is to be punished as an internal, according to the laws of the Macedonian Rebel Army.
Article 82: Aside from the regular army forces, the Macedonian Rebel Army consists of all
Macedonian inhabitants from both liberated and non-liberated areas. And each is in some way a
Macedonian soldier, man or woman, young or old, and each is obliged to aid the uprising in
whatever way he can.
Article 86: The Rebel Committee will make a list of all peasants who are involved in the ranks of
the Macedonian Rebel Army.
Article 102: No one but the Macedonian Rebel Headquarters is to negotiate with the enemy for the surrender of the Macedonian army or liberated territory. Should anyone bring such a decision, the army is not to honor the order. The person or persons bringing such a decision are to be sentenced to death, and the execution is to be carried out publicly before the village.
Article 125: From what we have seen, it is impossible to bring all of Macedonia into the uprising.
So we have decided to incite local uprisings in the eastern region and to liberate villages and towns with internal forces. However, we are faced with the much larger task of liberating all of
Macedonia. Now we are conducting partisan warfare against the Turks, but our intention is to send rebel detachments into Macedonia to incite an uprising there as well. Our first detachment will leave for Bitola to initiate activity there. The detachment, consisting of 300 rebels, is led by the voivodes, Karaiskaki, Stevo, Pavl, and Kara Kosta. That detachment will act on its own authority in carrying out its orders. With couriers it will inform the Macedonian Rebel Headquarters and will seek whatever council necessary.
Article 126: When the first detachment reaches the Mariovo Mountains, it is recommended that the voivodes accept local residents into their ranks. That will constitute the rebel army in that area.
Article 128: The authority of the Macedonian Rebel Committee will extend to all fields of
Macedonia. In compliance to the authority, all areas will rise up and rebel.
Article 129: In each area of the rebellion, a regional Macedonian Rebel Committee will be
established to lead the rebel forces and to maintain communication by courier service with the
Macedonian Rebel Committee.
Article 130: Because rebel detachments under the leadership of local voivodes have appeared in
Kostur, Maleshevo, in the Prilep and Veles areas, in the Dzhumaya region, in Skopje, and in other areas throughout the fatherland, the Macedonian Rebel Committee, as a central command for all of Macedonia, recommends all voivodes to report their assessments of the situation to Headquarters for the benefit of the general uprising.
Article 132: Our Macedonian uprising is an internal affair, and we are commanding our own forces. Our neighbor, the Bulgarian Principality, is not demonstrating a brotherly acceptance. They are sending our messangers back without weapons. We are left without enough, and we cannot aid our own brother Macedonians in Macedonia. Thus, we are compelled to advise them about supplying weapons and about patronage.
Article 136: A great number of Macedonians in Serbia express a wish to join the Macedonian
uprising and attack the Turkish forces from the northern border. However, there are no weapons. If they can find weapons, and if they accept our Constitution with their hearts, we will accept them. Article 139: By consent of this general assembly, composed of representatives from all committees throughout Macedonia, this document will now stand as the Rebel and Civil Constitution by which we will be governed and which will be enforced until the liberation.
Civil Rule Article 140: Provisional civil rule is to be introduced in the liberated areas. It will govern the social life of the residents. It will be established by the first people selected by those to be governed.
Article 141: A central political body will be in charge of civil rule. This political body will be the
Central Committee and it will consist of five members.
Article 142: Each inhabited area is to have a joint committee subordinate to the Central Committee. This joint committee will consist of up to five members as determined by the Central Committee.
Article 144: The Central and provisional (joint) committees are not to interfere with the military
affairs of the uprising. The Central Committee is responsible for representing the Macedonian
uprising to the ruling officers and to the people. The local committees are to govern the people with secular rule.
Article 145: After the liberation of the fatherland, the Central Committee will create a Constitution by which the Macedonian state will be governed: either within the Ottoman Empire as a state with political and cultural autonomy; or, if the Great Powers of Europe permit, outside the Ottoman Empire.
Article 151: Most strictly forbidden is the feudal system of owning serfs tied to the land. Those who worked the land are now the owners of that land which the land lord and his family cannot work alone.
Article 156: It is strictly forbidden to spread hatred based on religion. It is forbidden to make
distinctions among the nationalities because all are equal citizens and all are under the protection of the laws of Macedonian civil rule.
Article 162: It is most strictly forbidden for any reason to denegrate a church or mosque, or to
plunder sacred Muslim property.
Article 163: For denegrating a church or mosque, the punishment is death; for the plunder of sacred Muslim property, the punishment is double compensation and a beating.
Article 168: Every captain will choose three judges to temporarily replace the Turkish courts in
civil affairs. In each village there will be a justice of the peace chosen from the officers of the
village to settle the lesser matters among the peasants.
Article 178: In the Turkish villages, the village police will be composed of Turks; and in the
Christian villages, it will be composed of Christians. If the village is of mixed nationalities or faiths, there will be one police chief from each nationality or faith. External Responsibilities of the Uprising
Article 182: The Macedonian uprising is an internal affair, but it won’t succeed unless we convince Europe of our fight for liberation. The uprising will be represented outside Macedonia to the European states by the Macedonian Rebel Committee and the people appointed by the Committee.
Article 183: With minutes of its meetings and other material, the Macedonian Rebel Committee will seek, in the name of the Macedonian rebel, to convince Europe that the uprising in Macedonia is born of necessity and is to the benefit of all.
Article 184: European states already speak of the uprising as having import beyond the interests of our people. The responsibility of the Macedonian Rebel Committee is to explain the aims of the uprising, to capture the truth. Our struggle is for the liberation of the Macedonians, not to advance the causes of other nationalities residing in Macedonia.
Article 186: The Macedonian Rebel Committee will inform the government of the Bulgarian
Principality that the Macedonians have no intention of interfering with the Principality,…[..].
Article 187: The Macedonian Rebel Committee will be represented in the Principality by our
deputies, and the Principality can send its deputies to the Committee.
Article 190: All Beneficence Committees will submit memorandum regarding district work and
affairs to the European states so that they will recognize the legitimacy of the Macedonian uprising. The memorandum will include a statement of belief in the righteousness and benefit of our sacred deed. We do not despair. Rather we continue energetically and tirelessly toward the achievement of our goal: the liberation of the Macedonians from Turkish enslavement. Our struggle is made necessary for the Turkish government refuses to honor Article 23 of the Berlin Treaty.
Article 191: The Macedonian Rebel Committee will acquaint its brother country, the Serbian
Principality, with the aims of our uprising and will request brotherly aid for the liberation of
Macedonia. If the Prince of the Serbian Principality permits, we will send them our deputies and the Committee will accept theirs.
Article 192: The Committee will request of His Highness, the Serbian Prince, aid in the form of
weapons and materiel to bring our Macedonian uprising to a successful close.
Article 193: The Committee will humbly request the Serbian Prince not to impede our Macedonians in Serbia from taking part in the liberation of their fatherland, to give them arms, and to convey them without interference to the border.
Article 195: The Macedonian Rebel Committee will request that the Greek government aid the
Macedonian uprising and that they will permit Macedonian volunteer detachments to be sent from Greece.
Article 196: The Greek government could aid the uprising considerably if they were to reinforce
their actions against the Turks in Epirus and Thessaly, to attract a portion of the Turkish army
toward themselves. The Macedonian rebels’ attack on the Turks will also aid the liberation of Epirus and Thessaly.
Article 197: The Macedonian Rebel Committee will call into brotherly understanding the Albanian flag bearers and their people’s leaders to rise up in defense of the freedom of their fatherland, to fight for their freedom, and to join forces with the Macedonian rebels.
Article 200: The Holy Bulgarian Exarchy, with His Highness at the head, is carrying out the most extraordinary policy. While purporting to have Macedonia’s best interests at heart, he maintains close and friendly relations with the Turkish government in Constantinople. And Macedonia is still under the direct power of the Turks. Perhaps the Exarchy thinks that by gratifying the Turks, they may be able to win their favor so that the Exarchy can send religious leaders to Macedonia. And in turn these leaders will protect the Macedonian residents from Turkish pressures. It is difficult enough for the Macedonian without having to suffer a policy such as this that will tend to divide the people. The Macedonian Committee objects, for the Macedonian needs both hands to fight for his freedom.
Article 201: The Macedonian Rebel Committee calls all clergymen in Macedonia to disregard the
Exarchy orders and to join the uprising of the Macedonian people until the liberation is won.
Afterwards, ecclesiastical issues in Macedonia can be decided.
Article 202: The Macedonian Rebel Committee will send a delegation to His Highness, the Exarch Josif I, in Constantinople in order to request that he will not interfere in the Macedonian uprising – unless he wants to be included among the ranks of the traitors.
Article 204: The Macedonian Rebel Committee will humbly request His Eminence, G. Sofiski
Miletiy, who has inflicted extensive damage on the work of the Macedonian uprising, to bring a halt to his efforts. Should he refuse, he will not be protected by the Prescripts.
Article 205: With the introduction of these Prescripts, our Constitution, into binding law, we hereby declare that the Sofia Committee will in the future have no authority over the Macedonian uprising.
Article 206: All further orders from the Sofia Central Committee are no longer in effect, and the
uprising will be led by the Macedonian Rebel Committee from Macedonia.
Article 207: The Macedonian volunteer army will in the future be under the direct command of the Macedonian headquarters of the uprising. The headquarters will order the mobilization of the forces, will supply them with weapons, and will lead this sacred war for Macedonia’s freedom.
Article 208: The Macedonian Rebel Committee orders all Macedonians to abide by and to fulfill all regulations stated in these Prescripts, our Constitution, without hesitation until the liberation of Macedonia and until a peacetime Constitution for an autonomous Macedonia can be formulated.
Indication why the Uprising (The Razlovci Uprising at first place, 1876) failed is given in the “Macedonian Knot“, written by Hans Lothar Steppan on page 40: “The Macedonian Leader of this Uprising (Razlovec), Dimitar Pop Georgiev was not granted an audience in St. Petersburg, when he was there to ask for an Russian assistance. ”
The Razlovci Uprising broke up in 1876, some two years before Kreshna Uprising. This “special”
attitude of the Russians towards the Macedonian revolutionaries is no exception.
In New York Times 31 March 1903, few months before the beginning of the Illinden Uprising,
message was sent that Russia will not help the Macedonia’s. Russia was insisting that its intentions are peaceful and that it fully support the ongoing Austro – Russian reforms in Macedonia. Different Committee were formed inside the Pirin Macedonia. Under the cover that they are only sponsored by the Bulgarian Government, but in reality were Bulgarian Spy’s who had only one aim, to display the Macedonian Uprising with Bulgarian character.
In order to display the Macedonian Uprising with an Bulgarian character, letters were sent to the Committee’s in Macedonia, where the designation Macedonian were left out. On this, A. Kalmikov, the Speaker of the Committee in Dzumaia sent the following letter to all Committee’s.
“To the Dzumaia Macedonian committee!
I was elected by the People and Army for Spokesman of the Macedonian Revolutionaries.I appointed Dimitria Pop Georgiev for the leader of the headquarters, and with this I inform all Committee’s. You all restrained your self to write “from the Macedonian Committee of the Revolutionaries”. But this name will not die, and that’s why I inform you that with out the word “Makedon” your letters will be returned- please inform the other Commitee’s.
9 October 1878 . A.Kalmikov.”
Source: Проф. Г. Кацаровъ и Ив. Кеповъ , Документи по Кресненското възстание од 1878 год. Сб. БАН, Кн. XXXVI
Умоляваме ся тая вечерь да отидеме съ згълата или съ няколко души оть четата патрола на стражарите като захватимь горе от скалата,по ридо, дори долу на мостъть при Кайчева.Това може да го направите според разположението ни и на две отстъпления
На Македонското востание
началник щаба
1878
Some twenty day’s after the letter from Kalmikov the Sofian Committee “Unity”
reacted:
“Sovian beneficence Committee ‘Unity’
No: 103 published on 30th Octomber 1878
Sofia ,
To the Dzumaian beneficial committee stationed in Dzumaia,From your letter from 25th October and in the same time heard directly from Mr. Ataman Kalmikov and Petko Pavlovik with regret we concluded that the Uprising in Macedonia is in disorder. To cut through this disorder which can lead to future complication, we decided: 1. to close the headquarters of Dimitar Pop Georgiev and 2. to appoint an commission consisting of Mr. Dimitria S. Statelov, Pando M. Urumov and Andreja I. Georgov who should take control over the financial,
postal and administration units in the new gained territories. Your committee should obey to the above mentioned commission which is representative of the central Committee. This means that you should comply to the instructions to this commission for arresting D.P. Georgiev. When you inform us about accomplishing the task, your committee will be put through inventory with the commission and the central committee. When I pray to god I pray for you, Maletija.
One of the co-fighters and co-organists of Dimitria Pop Georgiev was Iljo Maleshevski.
Here is his Proclamation before the Uprising began:
“Македонцы!
Македониїя майка наша станА й плаче съ горки выкове подь огънтъ и іатаганъ турскій. Умученнытъ и съ крвъ облеаны наши родители, сынове и братя ньі выкагъ на оружіе противъ петвЬковнитЬ наши мучители и насилницы, а обезчестеныте наши майки, супруги и сестры съ горкы солЬзи на очитЬ си подъ гнусный й безчеловЬчный турскій произволъ кукатъ около опустошаемй наши домове и чекать да имъ се отзовеме.
Юунаци Македонски й Бъгарски!
СвЬтлый нашъ левъ реве по наши македонски гори и долины, планины и пустины и ны вика сички на оружіе. ГдЬ и да сте вы, побързаіте да се собереме съ оружіе въ рАцетЬ ни, за да ги избавиме тыА невиноваты жъртвьі отъ ова гнусно и позорно безчестіе. Донесете си на умъ шо наши татковцы й дЬдовцьі се бориха и си проливаха своа кръвъ за свобода гръчка и сьрбска… ПоглЬдъ свой и на ланскн годины и ке видите, шо кръвъ отъ наши… оψе стои на Алексинскиы и Шипканскы проходы, коҗто кръвъ они не пожалЬха за обψа свобода наша…
Македонцы!
Сега е време да увЬриме нашитЬ просвЬтены предатели, ψо Македонiæ й сега в петьвЬковното си робство ражда и има въ себе си сынове юнацы!
1879 год. 2-й Маіа Малешъ-Планина Македонскій возстанническій Комитетъ”. Извор: Научен архив, Българската академия на науките, София, (НА-БАН-С), Фонд: Сбирка IX, оп. 1, а.е. 55, л. 1.”
“Macedonians!
Macedonia our mother arose and with bitter crys under the Turk fire and yatagan. Our suffering and with blood covered parents, sons and brothers are calling us to take up arms against the fife centuries enslavers and violators, and our descrased mothers, wifes and sisters are crying with bitter tears in their eyes under the dirty and undisent Turk lawlessness and cry on our devastated homes and wate for us to respond to them.
Macedonian and Bulgarian Heros!
Our holy lion is roaring through our Macedonian forests and valleys, mountains and deserts and is calling us to take up arms. Where ever you are, hurry up to take up arms, to deliver those innocent victims from this shameless and descraceful situation. Rememmber that our fathers and grandfathers fought and spill their blood for the freedom of Greeks and Serbs… Look up on the last years and you will see, that the blood of our… still stains on the Alexandrian and Shipinian passage, which blood they did not spare for our common freedom…
Macedonians!
It is time to convince our educated traitors, that Macedonia can even now, after fife centuries of slavery, still give a birht of and have in it self Heros!
2nd of May 1879
Malesh Mountain Macedonian Uprising Committee.”
Taken from: Научен архив, Българската академия на науките, София, (НА-БАН-С),
Фонд: Сбирка IX, оп. 1, а.е. 55, л. 1.
Fresco Painter signature in Berovo – Malishevia Church:
“Fresco painter Gavril Atan : Macedonian from village Berovo Malesh 1897”
The Church in Razlovci built in 1850
The Macedonian Sun Symbol inside of the Razlovci Churc 1850
La Macedoine et Les Macedoniens
Edmond Bouchie De Belle
“La MAcedoine Et Les Macedoniens”
Librarie Armand Colin
103, Boulevard Saint-Michel, Paris
1922
LÉGITIMITÉ HISTORIQUE DU NOM DE LA MACÉDOINE ET DES MACÉDONIENS
Les noms “la Macédoine” et “les Macédoniens” existent pendant des siècles mais
ils ont été souvent reniés et la lutte relative à la légitimité du territoire
de la Macédoine est liée à ces noms. La nation macédonienne est formée dans le
cadre du territoire géographique-historiquie de la Macédoine au cours d’un
processus de développement permanent (tribu, peuple, nation) et elle a acquis
la légitimité envers le territoire de la Macédoine en devenant héritier de
toutes les traditions et de valeurs historiques et de culture autochtones sous
le nom de la Macédoine pendant des siècles, comme son nom légitime du point de
vue ethnique et historique. L’existence de la nation macédonienne a toujours
inquiété les États voisins (la Grèce, la Bulgarie, la Serbie et l’Albanie) qui
s’unissaient dans leur politique de non-reconnaissance de l’existence
de la nation, de la langue et de l’État macédoniens. Surtout après le partage
de la Macédoine en 1913 et en 1919, ils s’efforcent à dénationaliser
le peuple macédonien qui s’oppose énergiquement dans toutes les parties
de la Macédoine sous le régime étranger et combat pour la liberté nationale
et son propre État. Dirigé par les organisations nationales et le mouvement
communiste, il se bat en même temps pour le nom macédonien national et d’État.
Après la formation de l’État fédéral macédonien en 1944, pour la première fois
au cours de l’histoire récente de la Macédoine, le nom historique
“la Macédoine” – “les Macédoniens” devient officiel. Après la Deuxième guerre
mondiale commence le processus de la promotion et de l’affirmation internationales
de l’État, de la langue et de la culture macédoniens. En 1944, la Serbie
reconnait la nation et l’État macédoniens. Ce fait est re-confirmé par l’Accord
de 1996 par lequel elle reconnait la R. de Macédoine sour son nom constitutionnel.
A l’exception de la période 1944-1948, la Bulgarie renie ontinuellement la nation
et la langue macédoniennes bien qu’en 1991, elle reconnaît l’indépendance de la
R. de Macédoine. Bien que la Grèce reconnaît la Macédoine comme État dans
le cadre de la RSF de Yougoslavie, depuis 1991, elle conteste le nom de
la République de Macédoine avec la tendance de rénier aussi l’identité et
la légitimitié de la nation et de la langue macédoniennes. Par l’Accord
provisoire de 1995, la Grèce reconnait l’indépendance de la R. de Macédoine
et son intégrité territoriale.
Au cours du processus de l’acquisition de l’indépendance et de la reconnaissance
internationale de la République de Macédoine, l’État, la nation, la langue et
la culture macédoniens sont complètement affirmés. La reconnaisssance
de la République de Macédoine par un grand nombre de pays représente le triomphe
de la vérité historique et de la justice, la confirmation de la légitimité
historique et de la continuité de la nation et de l’État macédoniens.
La politique pacifique et la coopération active de la R. de Macédoine avec ses
voisins et autres pays, sa détermination d’appliquer des standards internationaux
sont la meilleure voie vers sa prosperité ultérieure et pour surmonter les
récidives du passé.
За автентичноста на Македонците во почетокот на XX век говори и сведоштвото на
Французинот Едмон Бушје Де Бел кој престојувал на овие простори и имал прилика
од непосредна близина да ги следи состојбите во овој бурен период од историјата
на Блаканот. Овој известувач и патеписец во склоп на Француските трупи
престојувал на територијата на Македонија повеќе години минувајќи по нејзините
патишта и предели – Острово, Лерин, Солун, Битола, Прилеп за да заврши во Скопје
каде и трагично умира во октомври 1918 година. За Македонците тој ќе рече:
“Тоа е “оспорувана раса“ која себеси не се поистоветува ниту со Бугарите, ниту
со Србите“ а за “Македонското прашање“ ќе рече: “Македонскиот проблем не постои
ниту од денес, ниту од вчера. Македонија и Македонците зад себе имаат долго
минато, но тие нема да престанат да ја загрижуваат Европа.“.
Гледано низ призмата на тој даден момент, Едмон Бушје Де Бел вака ги оценува
изгледите на Македонија и Македонците : “ Ако Македонија остане таква какви што
е сега, затворено поле, но отворено за натпреварување на трите соседни раси:
грчката, српската, бугарската, последната неизбежно ќе победи. Бугаризмот е
најопасен по Македонското население.“ Еве како овој Французин ја доживеал и
посведочил “Македонската голгота“ предизвикана од налетот на анти-макеоднските
пропаганди на соседните држави наведувајќи ги нивнитеглавни “аргументи“ со кои
се борат за присвојување на овој народ (ова е цитат насловен – “Македонската
народност“ од неговата книга со белешки):
“Во сите рамнини на Македонија живеат селани што зборуваат словенско наречје,
со грчка православна вера и која главно има етнички надворешен изглед вообичаен
за словенските народи. Тие несреќни суштества имаат ни малку завидлива
привилегија на нив да полагаат право дури три различни народности.
– “Македонците, велет бугарите, се бугари. Тие го имаат нашиот јазик и срце. Во
Големата Бугарија, производ на Санстеганскиот договор, живеат сите христијани од
Европска Турција. Под бугарско име, жртвите на Берлинскиот договор се бореле
против Турскиот јарем.“ – “Македонците се Срби, одговара исто така распален глас.
Царството на Душан Велики ја опфаќало целата Македонија. Српското име се
споменува во книжевноста и на спомениците што ја преживеале турската влас.
Македонскиот јазик не е бугарски како што тврдат незналиците со лоши намери,
тој е старо српски, заостанат српски јазик. Дали впрочем сте виделе некогаш дека #
Бугарите празнуваат слава? А Македонците тоа го прават.“
– “И ете ги Грците кои изјавуваат дека Македонците, ако не се со хеленско потекло
и јазик, барем нивната култура е хелинизирана, “Народноста не ја создава крвта,
туку духот“- велат тие. Словенските варвари што јанаселуваат Македонија,
ги организирала и воспитала Грчката империја, а грчката црква ги преобратила.
За нив може да се каже дека се грци како што се вели за Французите дека се Латини.“
Но, добронамерниот набљудувач ќе оди подалеку од овие пристрасни тврдења.
Тој лесно ќе констатира дека – ако Македонецот многу им е сличен на балканските
Словени, тој нема потполно ништо хеленско. Уште повеќе, ако во извесни обичаи,
вероисповеста и јазикот личи на Бугаринот, во другите е сличен на Србинот а не се
идентификува сосем ниту со едниот ниту со другиот. Впрочем, тоа што некого го
прави Бугарин, Србин или Грк, тоа е – повеќе од етничката или јазичната
особеност – свест дека има своја националност и дека учествува во организиран
национален живот. Значи дека народот за кој станува збор јасно се разликува од
трите други во тоа што ниту има национална свест ниту национален живот идентичен
на останатите три народи. Прашајте го селанецот од околината на Острово или на
Битола, што е. Вo 90% од случаите ќе ви одговори : “МАКЕДОН“.
Затоа добронамерниот набљудувач ќе го определува одделно ова население на кое,
изгледа, најдобро би му одговарало просто името – “Македонци“.“
Edmound Bouchie De Belle “La Macedoine et Les Macedoniens” Paris, 1922
Webster Dictionary 1967-69 deffinition of the IE Languages.
AMONG THE OTHER IE GROUPS, SUCH AS ITALIC CELTIC GERMANIC
ETC. THERE IS A GROUP: MACEDONIC
DEVIDED IN THREE TIME LINES AND IT’S SUBORDINATED LANGUAGES:
ANCIENT: MACEDONIAN
MEDEVIAL: MACEDONIAN
MODERN:
SOUT: BULGARIAN, SERB-CROATIAN, SLOVENIAN, MACEDONIAN
WEST: CZECH, SLOVAK, POLISH, WENDISH etc.
EAST: RUSSIAN, UKRAINIAN, BELORUSSIAN
Dura Europos Inscription
The central scene shows a conventional Mithras, in Parthian-style clothes, and wearing boots, killing the bull. On his belt hang two sheaths containing daggers or swords, and he holds a third in his right hand. A small dog jumps up at the front on a convenient shelf, well away from the wound, while a small snake skulks in the lower right corner; a rudimentary raven, looking rather like a plucked chicken, peers down at Mithras’ Phrygian cap. The bull’s tail hangs down, just as on several Mithraic reliefs from Syria; there is an obscure limp above it which may represent the scorpion, of which there is otherwise no sign [or possibly a lion, facing right?]. Above the cave entrance are posed the busts of radiate Helios (l.) and Selene, backed by a crescent, separated by a row of 7 stars. The places usually taken by the luminaries are here occupied by the torchbearers, who stand erect and fully frontal, each dressed and equipped like Mithras with two daggers, and holding a spear in the left hand (unique detail). Cautes, on the l., is considerably larger than Cautopates on the r., which may or may not be significant.
Side-scenes:
Within the frame of the cave, from lower left:
1) Above the ‘scorpion’ or ‘lion’ there sits a fat naked baby wearing a Phrygian cap, holding out his hands towards clusters of grapes growing from a vine that emerges from the rock. Unique scene. [This seems to evoke an otherwise unknown narrative of the babyhood of Mithras, which introduced the theme of grapes and wine, evidently of importance in the feast scene and so in Mithraic feasting. The baby’s attitude recalls that of Romulus and Remus suckling from the she-wolf.]
2) Above the baby, Mithras petragenes, with both hands, most unusually, resting on the rock.
3) Above that, a Saturnus in Phrygian cap and Parthian dress (unique detail) reclining on his l. arm, and holding an object, ? harpè, in his r. hand.
4) To the right of Mithras, a scene from the narrative of Mithras and Helios/Sol: Mithras, wearing a Phrygian cap, stands in front of kneeling Helios, holding the latter’s jaw in his r. hand, and places his l. hand on Helios’ head. The weathering of the relief has dulled the details, but this seems to be a unique variant on the common ‘investiture’ scene.
The panels outside the frame of the cave:
Left register from top:
1) Two figures in Persian dress and wearing Phrygian caps, presumably the torchbearers, standing on blocks, carry a large cauldron between them on a pole (unique scene). This unique scene seems to presuppose the unique scene at Dura in which the torchbearers carry the dead bull on a pole since it seems to allude to the practice of boiling sacrificial meat.
2) A small figure in a Phrygian cap, seated on a boulder, holding an unidentifiable elongated object in his r. hand. Immediately to his right, a stream flows down from the block supporting the figure above. Beside the stream, seven spheres lie jumbled about. That the seated figure may be Saturn, this time holding a harpè. For the seven balls, the range of seven objects stretched between the forelegs of the bull on Zenobios’ altar at Dura, identified by the Preliminary Report as small altars, but recently by L.A. Dirven, The Palmyrenes of Dura-Europos: a study of religious interaction in Roman Syria Religions in the Graeco-Roman World 138 (Leyden 1999), 301-4 as balls or spheres. Unique scene. [Prof. Turcan acutely suggests per litteras that the seated figure may be a poorly-understood ‘water-miracle’ – there is plenty of evidence of incompetence or lack of clarity in the relief. What then are the spheres?
3) Mithras taurophoros, apparently naked except for a Phrygian cap and breech-clout, walking to the l. (v. unusual, if not unique, direction).The feast scene, with radiate Helios (l.) and Mithras, both dressed in Persian or Parthian dress, face forward over the rim of the base, holding rhyta.
Along the base of the relief an inscription in Greek: language unknown!
(Someone having ago at the inscription!!!)
In his earlier article de Jong understood the first phrase to me ‘from the God’s deeds, from among the incidents in the God’s life’, which would have neatly fitted our understanding of the nature of the by-scenes. But he now considers that this would have been an impossible sense in the context. In the light of a similar phrase in a Christian inscription from Syria (IGLS 315), where it may mean ‘because of the things received from God’, he prefers the notion of a dedicatory formula. The name Absalmos, derived from the Aramaic ‘b(d)šlm’ ‘servant of Shalman’, is maionly found in Dura, Palmyra, Hatra, Edessa, and the mid-Euphrates in general, and is a further confirmation, alongside the Duran iconographic parallels, of the relief’s Syrian provenance. We may assume that Absalmos was the current Father of the community. De Jong suggests a date between late II and late III cent. AD: it is not possible to be more specific.
Originally posted by struja maknews
THE MACEDONIAN AGITATION
The Times, London, April 12, 1901, pp. 3-4
THE MACEDONIAN AGITATION
(From our own correspondent.)
Vienna, April 11.
A correspondent of the news sheet Information has had an interview with M. Sarafof, the president of the Bulgarian Macedonian Committee, who was arrested a few days ago at Sofia. M. Sarafof made an instructive statement. He said that the whole movement had been misunderstood. It must be divided into two periods. During the first period it was under the leadership of men who were in close connection with the Bulgarian court itself and had been employed by several successive Ministries. The latter used the committee and the influence which it had in the country in order to fortify their own position, and to carry out the programmes of their parties. M. Sarafof continued thus: –
“In 1895 we young men were sent to Macedonia to prepare an insurrection, or, at all events, to try and start an outbreak of some kind, if only to show Europe that Prince Ferdinand constituted a powerful factor in the Balkan Peninsula and that his deposition would be a greater danger for the peace of the continent. It was only after these disturbances that the Powers, one after the other, recognized Prince Ferdinand as chief of the new Bulgarian dynasty. This first phase of the Macedonian movement, owing to the fact that it was subordinated to different party interests, acquired no hold on the bulk of the population in Macedonia. We young people have therefore been endeavouring for some years past to separate the Macedonian cause from Bulgarian domestic politics. If the rulers of the Principality now declare that they cannot tolerate us as a State within the State, it shows that we have at least succeeded in emancipating ourselves from the pernicious influence of the Bulgarian government. It is only because we are no longer disposed to sacrifice ourselves for this or that party, and regard the liberation of Macedonia as a question of honour for the entire people, that the Bulgarian Government is persecuting us….
“It is a grievous error to suppose that we seek to acquire Macedonia on behalf of Bulgaria. We Macedonians consider ourselves to be an entirely separate national element, and we are not in the least disposed to allow our country to be seized by Bulgaria, Servia, or Greece. We will, in fact, oppose any such incorporation with all our might. Macedonia must belong to the Macedonians. The misunderstanding has arisen through our residing in Bulgaria. The circumstance of our having prepared a Macedonian insurrection while living in this country led to the conclusion that we were aiming at a union between the two Slav provinces. That is, however, perfectly absurd. If we were to be expelled from Bulgaria and were to settle in Switzerland nobody would suppose that we intended to liberate Macedonia on behalf of Switzerland; we merely go where we find the most favourable opportunities for our revolutionary work….
But, wherever we may be, we wish to keep our movement distinct from the national aspirations of the independent Balkan States. We shall energetically resist any attempt on the part of those States to secure Macedonia for themselves. We have been reproached with wanting to disturb the peace of Europe. That leaves us indifferent. What do we infortunate Slavs care for the peace of Europe! Russia has frequently promised us that she will soon take our cause in hand. Only a short time ago a Russian statesman told me that we should be patient, as whenever Russia was no longer occupied in East Asia she would come forward in favour of the autonomy of Macedonia. My own conviction is, however, that Russian diplomacy will first begin to think of us when it decides to realize its own ideal of the conquest of Constantinople. Its object will than be not the emancipation of Macedonia, but its subjugation. Consequently, my friends and myself are resolved to separate entirely the movement we are prompting from Russia’s Balkan policy. Without in any way wishing to identify our efforts with the policy of Vienna, I am nevertheless of opinion that Austro-Hungarian aspirations are infinitely less dangerous for the autonomy of Macedonia than are those of Russia. The conquest of Macedonia by Austria-Hungary is impossible, owing to the composition of that Monarchy and to the resistance which such a plan would find on the part of all the Balkan peoples…..
“I must, at the same time, clearly state that we neither ask for, nor would accept, any official support of our movement from Austria-Hungary. We will have nothing to do either with official Bulgaria or with official Servia, nor yet with official Austria-Hungary. We are revolutionists, and count only upon one-half of the peoples of Europe. In order to put and end to the misunderstandings among the Slav States of the Balkans concerning the movement in which we are engaged, two of our friends will shortly go to Servia and then proceed further in order to deliver lectures. Macedonia must no longer be a source of dissension among the Balkan countries. Emancipation must form the basis upon which the federation of those countries can be founded.”
————————————————————————————————–
Pro Armenia, Paris, 25 avril 1901, p. 87
Nouvelles d’Orient
« […]
Boris Sarafov avait fait des déclarations fort importantes à un correspondant de l’Information de Vienne. Elles se résument en quelques points capitaux : 1º Le mouvement macédonien n’est pas un mouvement bulgare ; les Macédoniens constituent une nationalité particulière qui ne veut s’agréger à la Bulgarie, ni à la Serbie, ni à la Grèce ; 2º le malentendu provient de ce que l’action macédonienne avait pour centre Sofia. Expulsés de Bulgarie, les Macédoniens réfugiés en Suisse deviendraient-ils suspects de vouloir annexer leur pays à la République helvétique ; 3º la Russie ne viendrait en aide à la Macédoine que pour réaliser son plan de conquête de Constantinople ; elle ne l’émanciperait pas, mais la subjuguerait. Le mouvement macédonien doit donc être entièrement séparé de toute action russophile ; 4º il ne doit pas subir non plus d’influences austro-hongroises, bien que le danger de la conquête du pays soit de ce côté bien moins imminent que du côté russe ; 5º on reproche aux Macédoniens de mettre en péril la paix européenne : cela les laisse indifférents ; ils ne sont point les gardiens de cette paix précaire et l’Europe n’a qu’à faire exécuter les engagements pris par traité comme c’est son droit et son devoir.
Telles sont les déclarations de Boris Sarafov.
[…] »
————————————————————————————————-
The french text translated using google translate:
Boris Sarafov had made extremely important statements with a correspondent of the Information of Vienna. They are summarized in some most important points: 1º the movement Macedonian is not a Bulgarian movement; the Macedonians constitute a particular nationality which wants to incorporate themselves in Bulgaria, neither in Serbia, nor in Greece; 2º the misunderstanding comes from what the action Macedonian had as a Sofia center. Expelled of Bulgaria, the Macedonians taken refuge in Switzerland would become suspect to want to annex their country with the Swiss Republic; 3º Russia would come to assistance of Macedonia only to carry out its plan of conquest of Constantinople; it does not émanciperait it, but would subjugate it. The movement Macedonian must thus be entirely separated from any Russophile action; 4º it should not be subject to Austro-Hungarians influences either, although the danger of the conquest of the country is on this side much less imminent than on the Russian side; 5º one reproaches the Macedonians for putting in danger European peace: that leaves them indifferent; they are not the guards of this precarious peace and Europe does not have that to make carry out the commitments entered into by treaty as it is its right and its duty. Such are the declarations of Boris Sarafov.
Originally posted by bosnian on maknews
Some Quotes on Macedonia and Greece
The History of Rome, Book III
From the Union of Italy to the Subjugation of Carthage and the Greek States
Dickson, William P. (William Purdie), 1823-1901
| Chapter X
The Third Macedonian War Dissatisfactions of Philip with Rome Philip of Macedonia was greatly annoyed by the treatment which he met with from the Romans after the peace with Antiochus; and the subsequent course of events was not fitted to appease his wrath. His neighbours in Greece and Thrace, mostly communities that had once trembled at the Macedonian name not less than now they trembled at the Roman, made it their business, as was natural, to retaliate on the fallen great power for all the injuries which since the times of Philip the Second they had received at the hands of Macedonia. |
Rome Heads a Greek Coalition against Macedonia
Nor was Philip the first to renew the hostilities. The fall of Tarentum (542), by which Hannibal acquired an excellent port on thecoast which was the most convenient for the landing of a Macedonian army, induced the Romans to parry the blow from a distance and to give
the Macedonians so much employment at home that they could not think of an attempt on Italy. The national enthusiasm in Greece had of course evaporated long ago. With the help of the old antagonism to Macedonia, and of the fresh acts of imprudence and injustice of which Philip had been guilty, the Roman admiral Laevinus found no difficulty in organizing against Macedonia a coalition of the intermediate and
minor powers under the protectorate of Rome. It was headed by the Aetolians, at whose diet Laevinus had personally appeared and had gained its support by a promise of the Acarnanian territory which the Aetolians had long coveted. They concluded with Rome a modest
agreement to rob the other Greeks of men and land on the joint account, so that the land should belong to the Aetolians, the men and moveables to the Romans. They were joined by the states of anti- Macedonian, or rather primarily of anti-Achaean, tendencies in Greece proper; in Attica by Athens, in the Peloponnesus by Elis and Messene and especially by Sparta, the antiquated constitution of which had been just about this time overthrown by a daring soldier Machanidas,
in order that he might himself exercise despotic power under the name of king Pelops, a minor, and might establish a government of adventurers sustained by bands of mercenaries. The coalition was joined moreover by those constant antagonists of Macedonia, the
chieftains of the half-barbarous Thracian and Illyrian tribes, and lastly by Attalus king of Pergamus, who followed out his own interest with sagacity and energy amidst the ruin of the two great Greek states which surrounded him, and had the acuteness even now to attach himself as a client to Rome when his assistance was still of some value.
Taken from: gutenberg
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A Smaller history of Greece
Smith, William, Sir, 1813-1893
“CHAPTER I.
GEOGRAPHY OF GREECE.
Greece is the southern portion of a great peninsula of Europe,
washed on three sides by the Mediterranean Sea. It is bounded on
the north by the Cambunian mountains, which separate it from
Macedonia. It extends from the fortieth degree of latitude to
the thirty-sixth, its greatest length being not more than 250
English miles, and its greatest breadth only 180. Its surface is
considerably less than that of Portugal. This small area was
divided among a number of independent states, many of them
containing a territory of only a few square miles, and none of
them larger than an English county. But the heroism and genius
of the Greeks have given an interest to the insignificant spot of
earth bearing their name, which the vastest empires have never
equalled.
The name of Greece was not used by the inhabitants of the
country. They called their land HELLAS, and themselves HELLENES.
At first the word HELLAS signified only a small district in
Thessaly, from which the Hellenes gradually spread over the whole
country. The names of GREECE and GREEKS come to us from the
Romans, who gave the name of GRAECIA to the country and of GRAECI
to the inhabitants.”
“All the Greeks were descended from the same ancestor and spoke
the same language. They all described men and cities which were
not Grecian by the term BARBARIAN. This word has passed into our
own language, but with a very different idea; for the Greeks
applied it indiscriminately to every foreigner, to the civilized
inhabitants of Egypt and Persia, as well as to the rude tribes of
Scythia and Gaul.”
“The Grecian colonies may be arranged in four groups: 1. Those
founded in Asia Minor and the adjoining islands; 2. Those in the
western parts of the Mediterranean, in Italy, Sicily, Gaul, and
Spain; 3. Those in Africa; 4. Those in Epirus, Macedonia, and
Thrace.”
“The colonies in Macedonia and Thrace were very numerous, and
extended all along the coast of the AEgean, of the Hellespont, of
the Propontis, and of the Euxine, from the borders of Thessaly to
the mouth of the Danube. Of these we can only glance at the most
important. The colonies on the coast of Macedonia were chiefly
founded by Chalcis and Eretria in Euboea; and the peninsula of
Chalcidice, with its three projecting headlands, was covered with
their settlements, and derived its name from the former city.
The Corinthians likewise planted a few colonies on this coast, of
which Potidaea, on the narrow isthmus of Pallene, most deserves
mention.
Of the colonies in Thrace, the most flourishing were Selymbria
and Byzantium, both founded by the Megarians, who appear as an
enterprising maritime people at an early period.”
“The power of Sparta on land had now attained its greatest height.
Her unpopularity in Greece was commensurate with the extent of
her harshly administered dominion. She was leagued on all slides
with the enemies of Grecian freedom–with the Persians, with
Amyntas of Macedon, and with Dionysius of Syracuse. But she had
now reached the turning-point of her fortunes, and her successes,
which had been earned without scruple, were soon to be followed
by misfortunes and disgrace. The first blow came from Thebes,
where she had perpetrated her most signal injustice.”
“CHAPTER XIX.
PHILIP OF MACEDON, B.C. 359-336.
The internal dissensions of Greece produced their natural fruits;
and we shall have now to relate the downfall of her independence
and her subjugation by a foreign power. This power was
Macedonia, an obscure state to the north of Thessaly, hitherto
overlooked and despised, and considered as altogether barbarous,
and without the pale of Grecian civilization. But though the
Macedonians were not Greeks, their sovereigns claimed to be
descended from an Hellenic race, namely, that of Temenus of
Argos; and it is said that Alexander I. proved his Argive descent
previously to contending at the Olympic games. Perdiccas is
commonly regarded as the founder of the monarchy; of the history
of which, however, little is known till the reign of Amyntas I.,
his fifth successor, who was contemporary with the Pisistratidae
at Athens. Under Amyntas, who submitted to the satrap Megabyzus,
Macedonia became subject to Persia, and remained so till after
the battle of Plataea. The reigns of the succeeding sovereigns
present little that is remarkable, with the exception of that of
Archelaus (B.C. 413). This monarch transferred his residence
from AEgae to Pella, which thus became the capital. He
entertained many literary men at his court, such as Euripides,
who ended his days at Pella. Archelaus was assassinated in B.C.
399, and the crown devolved upon Amyntas II., a representative of
the ancient line. Amyntas left three sons, the youngest being
the celebrated Philip, of whom we have now to speak.”
“After defeating the Illyrians he established a
standing army, in which discipline was preserved by the severest
punishments. He introduced the far-famed Macedonian phalanx,
which was 16 men deep, armed with long projecting spears.
Philip’s views were first turned towards the eastern frontiers of
his dominions, where his interests clashed with those of the
Athenians. A few years before the Athenians had made various
unavailing attempts to obtain possession of Amphipolis, once the
jewel of their empire, but which they had never recovered since
its capture by Brasidas in the eighth year of the Peloponnesian
war. Its situation at the mouth of the Strymon rendered it also
valuable to Macedonia, not only as a commercial port, but as
opening a passage into Thrace.”
“Philip now crossed the Strymon, on the left bank of which lay
Pangaeus, a range of mountains abounding in gold-mines. He
conquered the district, and founded there a new town called
Philippi, on the site of the ancient Thracian town of Crenides.
By improved methods of working the mines he made them yield an
annual revenue of 1000 talents, nearly 250,000l.”
“The battle of Chaeronea crushed the liberties of Greece, and made
it in reality a province of the Macedonian monarchy.”
“On succeeding to the throne Alexander announced his intention of
prosecuting his father’s expedition into Asia; but it was first
necessary for him to settle the affairs of Greece, where the news
of Philip’s assassination, and the accession of so young a
prince, had excited in several states a hope of shaking off the Macedonian yoke. Athens was the centre of these movements. Demosthenes, although in mourning for the recent loss of an only daughter, now came abroad dressed in white, and crowned with a
chaplet, in which attire he was seen sacrificing at one of the public altars. He also moved a decree that Philip’s death should be celebrated by a public thanksgiving, and that religious honours should be paid to the memory of Pausanias. At the same time he made vigorous preparations for action. He despatched envoys to the principal Grecian states for the purpose of inciting them against Macedon. Sparta, and the whole Peloponnesus, with the exception of Megalopolis and Messenia, seemed inclined to shake off their compulsory alliance. Even the Thebans rose against the dominant oligarchy, although the Cadmea was in the hands of the Macedonians.”
Taken from: gutenberg
Jane Sandanski
The text translates:
Jane Iv. Sandanski “Starikt” “Pirin Tsar”
Born 1874 in vilage Vlahi Melnik district, due to 20 years of fight for freeing the Macedonian slave, was killed on 10 of April 1915 in the district Baba by the Bulgarian evil doing hand.
Todor Aleksandrov Interview
It is from the Book “MY WANDERINGS IN THE BALKANS “
published in 1925 By DUDLEY HEATHCOTE
The Guy was traveling through this places on the Balkan….
And did this Interview….. it is placed in the Chapter of Bulgaria, since it was taken somewhere near the Bulgarian Border…..
The article is found in THE TIMES newspaper, it was published 4th January 1924 on pages 11 and 12.
These articles are taken from THE TIMES newspaper, 16th september 1924.
Makedonin 